Thursday, February 27, 2020

In what ways did laws and actions concerning the westward expansion of Essay

In what ways did laws and actions concerning the westward expansion of the United states in the first half of the 19th Century ( - Essay Example As time passed by, however, negotiations gradually grew difficult as factions began polarizing triggered by events that defined each state’s values and interests. This was particularly evidenced during the westward territorial expansion of the US in the early 19th century. These events cultivated and advanced the schism that ultimately led to the Civil War between the North and the South. The Louisiana Purchase, for example, which was negotiated by the Jefferson government in 1803 with Napoleon Bonaparte, became an issue of contention between anti-slavery and pro-slavery in the halls of Congress. Petitions from various northern states, which were anti-slavery, urging the prohibition of slavery in the newly purchased territory, were delivered both in Congress and the Senate by their representatives. Foremost among the anti-slavery speeches were delivered by the representatives from Illinois and Pennsylvania. Representative Cook of Illinois proposed the granting of the Louisiana territory to slave owners in exchange of abandoning the practice. On the other hand, pro-slavery states such as Smith of South Carolina and Smyth of Virginia fiercely defended slavery as a natural state of condition of black people (Shearer 2004). Another historical event within the same period that saw the clash of the anti-slavery north and pro-slavery south was when Missouri applied for statehood in 1820. Most Missouri settlers at that time came from the south, bringing with them their slaves. Immediately, the anti-slavery north representatives objected to the application unless Missouri ban all future slave imports and institute a gradual slave freedom scheme, and the Senate rejected to deliberate and vote on the issue at all. In what is known as the Missouri Compromise, Missouri was finally allowed statehood conditioned on the term that all future slavery north of the southern Missouri boundary will be banned. The Compromise essentially resulted in the creation of a fictional westward north-south line that governed the state of slavery in all of the US. The anti-slavery north was at least gratified that most of the territories included in the Louisiana Purchase were north of said boundary (Bergad 2005). The Missouri Compromise turned out to have left some issues unsettled that eventually emerged when Missouri’s constitution included a provision that called for the exclusion of free Negroes and mulattoes from its jurisdiction. Once again, debates in Congress and the Senate over slavery became alive. In a subsequent negotiation known as the Second Missouri Compromise, Missouri was finally admitted for statehood with an added provision as a caveat that the provision in issue shall not imply blanket authority to enact laws that impair the rights of citizens (Bergrad 2005). The Texas application in 1836 as a slave state for admission into the Union was another instance of overt and passionate clash between pro and anti-slavery factions that eventually led to the Civil War. It was some thought, the straw that eventually broke the camel’s back. Texas was a chief producer of cotton and this industry was largely hinged on slavery labor. When Texas was admitted into the union as a slave state, the feeling of antipathy

Monday, February 10, 2020

International human resource Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

International human resource - Essay Example The earlier concept of negotiating with a central trade union and implementing the issues agreed upon in workplace is no longer the norm nowadays. Work councils have been developed, which has similar and dissimilar functions to trade unions (Prahalad and Doz 1987). This essay discusses the functions of work councils, particularly in decision-making and employee participation. It also differentiates work councils from trade unions. This paper focuses on the German work councils and trade unions, so that a particular context will be explored in relation to the concepts of work councils and trade unions. It argues that the German work councils are supporting the social and cooperative model of work relations, which are not antagonistic with trade unions, but may soon lead to the inevitable decay of the latter. This essay discusses the modern-day background to the German system of employment relations, because it is the context of work councils. There are two major perspectives about the present German system of employment relations. The first school of thought stresses that Germany’s employment relations have become more â€Å"corporatist† because of the expansion of liberal welfare and decentralised employment policies (Brenke 2004; Seeleib-Kaiser & Fleckenstein 2007). â€Å"Corporatist† means that the employment system of Germany experiences weaker collective bargaining power, as evident in the lesser number of collective bargaining agreements (Brenke 2004). Moreover, the government also signed laws that liberalised and rationalised the employment relations system. Since the late 1960s, the Labour Promotion Law of 1969 aims to remove â€Å"substandard employment through various instruments of active labour market policy (ALMP)† (Seeleib-Kaiser & Fleckenstein 2007: 429). ALMP seek to offer social services to the unemployed, and help them find jobs. ALMP devices have lesser prevalence, after Germany’s unification, because the sta te decided to focus on making firms more cost-effective (Seeleib-Kaiser & Fleckenstein 2007: 429). The ALMP has then been changed to emphasise employment instead of training and employment standards, which is again a sign of liberalisation policies of the state (Seeleib-Kaiser & Fleckenstein 2007: 429). These articles also asserted that Germany’s state of employment relations is more decentralised and less unionised than in the 1980s (Seeleib-Kaiser & Fleckenstein 2007: 429). The school of thought of the German employment relations system argues that Germany experiments with employment relations system and is becoming more like a mixture of cooperative and social partnership system (Behrens & Jacoby 2004; Berg 2008; Marsden 2008). These sources stress that Germany is developing its own strain of employment relations with industrial relations character (Berg 2008; Brettschneider 2008; Doellgast 2009). Behrens and Jacoby (2004) studied Germany’s most globalised sectors: chemicals, metalworking and construction. Findings showed that each industry developed in relation to the experimentalist ideals and actions of trade unions, as they struggled to expand employment strategies that can progress their interests. Berg (2008) added that Germany is more flexible in many ways, and not standardised in its adaption of plant or industry agreements. These articles supply theoretical and empirical foundations for the evolution of the German employment relation system into something more simultaneously liberal and collective. The new economy